links: http://www.ndfp.org/aim-win-greater-victories-peoples-war-message-central-committee-celebration-47th-founding-anniversary-npa/
Aim to Win Greater Victories in People´s War Message of the Central Committee in Celebration of the 47th Founding Anniversary of the NPA
Introduction
We,
the Central Committee and the entirety of the Communist Party of the
Philippines, salute the Red commanders and fighters of the New People´s
Army (NPA) in celebrating its 47th anniversary. We commend the NPA for
serving as the principal weapon of the Party and the Filipino people in
carrying out the new-democratic revolution through protracted people´s
war against US imperialism and the local exploiting classes of big
compradors and landlords, now represented chiefly by the Aquino ruling
clique.
The
NPA stands as the most glorious, durable and advanced revolutionary
armed force in the entire history of the Filipino people. It grew in
strength and prevailed in fierce opposition to a 14-year fascist
dictatorship. And it has overcome all the military campaign plans
unleashed against it by the pseudo democratic successors of the Marcos
regime. It has totalled 47 years of continuous revolutionary struggle
against the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system.
We
congratulate the NPA for the victories that it has accumulated since
its founding day and for those it has won in defeating Oplan Bayanihan
in recent years. We honor all Red commanders and fighters for their hard
work and courageous combat against the enemy. We honor most highly the
martyrs and heroes of the revolution.
We
must sum up and analyze our experiences well in order to learn positive
and negative lessons, plan how we can advance on the basis of our
current strength and set forth the tasks and methods for unifying our
fighting will and capabilities to achieve greater victories.
We
are confident of winning greater victories in the forthcoming years.
The crisis of the world capitalist system and that of the domestic
semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system are worsening at an
accelerated pace. The NPA has attained nationwide strength and has been
so tempered in struggle that it can make bigger strides in the direction
of the strategic stalemate.
Crisis of global capitalism worsens and plunges to a new level
The
global economic and financial crisis that burst out in 2008 continues
to generate global depression comparable to the Great Depression of the
1930s. It has persisted because of the relentless drive of the
neoliberal policy regime to raise profits through wage cuts, mass
layoffs, cutbacks on social benefits and services, trade and investment
liberalization, privatization of public assets, deregulation of social
and environmental restrictions and denationalization of underdeveloped
economies.
The
industrial capitalist countries have used the expansion of money supply
and credit, and the austerity measures at the expense of the people to
counter the crisis. But these have in fact further pushed down consumer
demand and production, aggravated the crisis and have brought about a
new sharp plunge. They have not promoted production and employment in
the US and other imperialist countries. They have stimulated only the
financial markets sporadically and stepped up war production by the
military-industrial complex.
The
China bubble of seemingly endless expansion of money supply and credit,
especially for private and public construction, has begun to burst upon
the exposure of mountains of unrepayable local government and corporate
debts. The global economic growth rate is thus adversely affected. The
public debt crisis of the European Union is worsening and cannot be
assuaged by the expansion of money supply and credit. The US attempt to
raise the value of the dollar by raising interest rates is enlarging the
dollar-denominated debts of underdeveloped countries.
The
worsening crisis of global capitalism has led to the stepping up of war
production, state terrorism and militarization of the police, the
increased deployment of US troops overseas and wars of aggression. Syria
is now the center of tangled warfare between the US on the side of
forces against the Assad government and Russia on the side of the Assad
government.
The
US is hellbent on devastating Syria as a way of bringing down the Assad
government in the way that the Milosevic, Saddam and Khadaffi
governments had been brought down in their respective countries. The
conditional ceasefire worked out by the US and Russia will be used by
the former to strengthen the so-called Free Syrian Army under the
dubious pretext of combating Al Nushra and the Daesh. At the same time,
Turkey persists in attacking the Syrian Kurds and collaborating with
Daesh against the Kurdish people.
No
end is in sight to the chain of wars that the US imperialists, Israeli
Zionists and the NATO have brought about in the Middle East. They are
determined to bring down the governments of Syria and Iran and allow
Zionist Israel to suppress the Palestinian people. At the same time,
sectarian and communal wars continue to flare up in Iraq, Libya, Egypt,
Tunisia, Yemen, Sudan and Mali.
Because
of the series of wars of aggression and proxy wars unleashed by the US
and NATO, especially in the Middle East and Africa, millions of refugees
are flooding into Western Europe and other imperialist countries.
Neofascists, chauvinists, racists and religious bigots are acting in the
service of the big bourgeoisie to treat the refugees brutally and to
scapegoat them as the cause of the worsening crisis of capitalism.
In
the entire world, the US and other imperialist powers perpetrate the
most severe forms of social and environmental plunder. The neoliberal
economic policy and global warming are ruining the lives of billions of
people and causing social conflicts, dislocation and migrations on a
wide scale.
The
US and the rest of the G7 countries continue to pressure Russia through
economic sanctions and the NATO expansion to the borders of Russia and
through neighboring anti-Russian regimes, especially Ukraine. The US is
trying to foul up the relationship of Russia and energy-hungry Germany
and the development of a Eurasian economic bloc. But the provocative
acts of the US have only pushed Russia and China to strengthen their
relations.
As
if it had not already created enough troubles in so many regions and
countries, the US continues to pursue the Trans Pacific Partnership
Agreement (TPPA) and the strategic pivot to the Asia-Pacific region in
order to contain China. The latter is practically egging on the US to
increase military forces in East Asia by making the outlandish nine-dash
claims over the South China Sea. At the same time, it has put up the
Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank to finance its ambitious Silk Road
and Belt project.
Russia
and China maintain the BRICS as an economic bloc and the Shanghai
Cooperation Organization as a security bloc. They are expressly for a
multipolar world order against US hegemony. They challenge the US pipe
dream of unipolar hegemony in the 21st century and remind the US of its
growing strategic decline despite its aggressiveness. It has become very
clear that the full conversion of Russia and China to capitalism has
generated more crises and troubles for the world capitalist system.
The
strategic decline of the US has accelerated due to its imperialist
overextension, financialization, drastic fall in manufacturing and
chronic mass unemployment, the thinning out of its middle class,
deteriorated social services, spread of poverty and misallocation of
resources to war production, overseas military bases and wars of
aggression.
The
crisis of the world capitalist system will continue to worsen and
further drive the imperialist powers to engage in a bitter struggle for
the redivision of the world. This interimperialist struggle generates
favorable conditions for the resurgence of the revolutionary forces of
the proletariat and the oppressed peoples and nations.
Worsening crisis of the Philippine ruling system
By
its very character as semifeudal and semicolonial, Philippine society
is in chronic economic, social and political crisis. As a result of the
US imposition of the neoliberal policy regime and security policy
dictates, such chronic crisis has been aggravated and deepened and has
made Philippine society ever more riven by sharpening contradictions
among the reactionaries and ever more fertile for armed revolution.
The
national sovereignty of the Filipino people has been brazenly further
violated by the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) allowing
the US military bases in the Philippines and requiring the puppet
reactionary armed forces to serve as perimeter guards within their own
premises.
The
EDCA extends further the extraterritorial license of US military forces
under the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) to have rotational presence
on Philippine territory and preposition all kinds of armaments,
including weapons of mass destruction on Philippine soil. Under EDCA,
the US has taken eight military bases in the Philippines, for a start.
Combined with the VFA, the EDCA is an instrument for military
intervention and further on for blatant aggression against the Filipino
people and neighboring peoples.
Even
before, the US has engaged in the most blatant form of military
intervention. It has had a direct hand in designing and implementing
strategic operational plans like Oplan Bayanihan based on the US
Counterinsurgency Guide. The US military intervention extends to the
participation of advisors, trainors and teams and the use of spy
satellites surveillance drones in operations against the NPA and various
armies of the Moro people.
There
is no letup of attacks on Philippine economic sovereignty and the
national patrimony under unequal economic and trade agreements and laws
allowing 100 percent foreign ownership of mining, banking and trading
enterprises. There is the relentless scheme to amend the 1987 GRP
constitution in order to allow foreign corporations to own all other
enterprises to the extent of 100 percent.
Since
2014, the reactionary government has allowed the Comprehensive Agrarian
Reform Program Extension with Reforms (CARPER) to lapse and has not
made any move to dish out another bogus land reform program. The
US-imposed neoliberal policy regime discourages the puppet state from
adopting any policy that detracts from the supposed right of proprietors
to hold on to their land and capital assets and sell them voluntarily
through commercial transactions.
The
callous and brutal position of the reactionary state is to give free
rein to foreign and domestic corporations in acquiring vast areas of
land for mining, plantations, real estate speculation and logging under
the guise of correct forest management. Thus landgrabbing operations for
the purpose of mineral extraction, plantations for export production
and real estate development are widespread and rampant.
The
US-Aquino regime boasts that it has been responsible for raising the
Philippine GDP to the level of PhP 15 trillion, keeping the public debt
of PhP 6.4 trillion as a small proportion of said GDP and effecting on
paper an average of 6.2 percent annual growth rate since 2010,
supposedly surpassing all previous regimes. The regime has increased the
public debt by PhP 4.16 trillion in less than six years, surpassing all
previous regimes since that of Marcos in propensity for incurring
excessive debt for pork barrel corruption and anti-industrial spending.
The
regime claims that the Philippines has become a “newly industrializing”
country and will soon reach first world status. But when we look at the
content of the GDP, we see no factors for the industrial development of
the economy. A pre-industrial type of service sector accounts for 57
percent of the national output value; import-dependent industry for 15
percent and agriculture 32 percent.
All
sectors are dependent on imported equipment and foreign debt and are
consumption-oriented. In terms of spending or end use, household
consumption accounts for 71.5 per cent and government for around 10.2
per cent. The small share of investment of 18.3 per cent involves
business operations like call centers, mining, construction,
semimanufacturing, food and beverages, trading, financing and the like.
The
portfolio type of investments has come in an unusually big way for most
of the years of the Aquino regime, accounting for more than 65 percent
at the peak of the money flow in 2012 to 2014. But it has started to
flow out since 2014, resulting in a BOP deficit of more than USD 3.0
billion. This kind of investment does not put up manufacturing plants
but goes to the financial markets. It has helped create the illusion of a
growing economy. As it flows out, the dismal realities of
underdevelopment, high unemployment, soaring prices of basic goods and
services, gross inequality, widespread poverty, budgetary and trade
deficits and mounting debt burden become more exposed.
The
reactionary government claims a low unemployment rate of around 6.5
percent and 20 per cent underemployed for 2015. This is a big lie. Most
people considered employed are in fact unemployed, doing household
chores or odd jobs for a few hours a week. The much touted high number
of overseas contract workers estimated at more than 12 million is 20
percent of the total labor force of 60 million and actually exposes the
inability of the Philippine economy to provide employment and accounts
for a huge chunk of unemployment. Around 66 million people live in
abject poverty and live on PhP 125 or even less per day.
The
social and economic crisis is becoming acute and is causing increasing
social protests, political turmoil and armed revolutionary resistance.
But in the current presidential election contest staged by the ruling
system, no major presidential candidate, party or coalition (except the
Makabayan coalition of progressive party list groups) offers a
comprehensive political program advocating and promoting national
independence, people´s democracy, economic development through land
reform and national industrialization, social justice, patriotic and
progressive culture, free public education and international solidarity
for peace and development against imperialism and reaction.
The
electoral process is controlled by foreign monopoly, big comprador and
landlord interests. In the main it excludes by means of state power,
finance and propaganda the representatives of the workers and peasants.
Thus, the 2016 elections cannot be expected to serve as an instrument
for any significant social change. The worst part of these elections is
the high probability or even certainty that the results will be
predetermined by the control of the Smartmatic automated electoral
system, by the US-Aquino regime and the US CIA. The ruling party, the
Liberal Party, is thus confident of the victory of Mar Roxas as the
incoming president and the continuer of neoliberal policy and
counterrevolution.
Expectation
is widespread that there will be economic, social and political turmoil
in the months and years after the 2016 elections. The worsening social
crisis will combine with the outrage over the fraudulent election of a
president and the continuance of oppressive and exploitative policies of
the discredited US-Aquino regime. The political crisis will involve not
only the street protests of the broad masses of the people but also the
simultaneous acts of armed resistance of the NPA and the armies of the
Bangsamoro.
An
extension of the US-Aquino regime through a Mar Roxas regime is not
auspicious for the resumption of peace negotiations between the NDFP and
the reactionary government. At any rate, the rapidly worsening crisis
will press whichever is the new regime to consider the peace
negotiations as a way to cope with the crisis and the upsurge of armed
revolution throughout the archipelago. The worst that can happen to the
ruling system is that the NPA and the armies of the Bangsamoro wage
offensives simultaneously.
The
NDFP has consistently stood for truce and alliance against the evil
forces of foreign and feudal domination, even while comprehensive
agreements on basic social, economic and political reforms are still
being worked out for a just and lasting peace. Without these
comprehensive agreements, the Filipino people requires the NPA to stay
fully armed, ever vigilant and ready to fight the hostile forces of
national betrayal and counterrevolution.
The People´s Army and Fighting Tasks
Since
last year, the New People´s Army has dealt heavy blows on the enemy
forces in Mindanao, Visayas and Luzon. These have exposed the big lies
of the regime that that the NPA has dwindled to a few thousands from a
false peak of 25,000 in 1985-86. In fact the NPA strength then was only
5,600. Today, the NPA has grown much bigger with better trained and
armed Red fighters than ever before . It is augmented by the people´s
militia with members in the tens of thousands and the self-defense units
of the mass organizations of workers, peasants, women and youth with
members in hundreds of thousands.
The
NPA units operate in several scores of guerrilla fronts under regional
and subregional commands covering substantial areas of more than 71
provinces in hundreds of municipalities and thousands of barangays. They
enjoy the active support of millions of the people in mass
organizations and under the governance of the revolutionary organs of
democratic political power. They can move freely in 80 percent of
Philippine territory while the enemy armed forces can occupy or control
only ten percent at any given time.
The
Party leads the NPA as the principal instrument of the proletariat and
the people in waging the people´s democratic revolution through
protracted people´s war. It wields the people’s army in combination with
the revolutionary united front. It integrates the revolutionary armed
struggle with genuine land reform and building the mass base.
The
US-Aquino regime has utterly failed to defeat or reduce the NPA to
inconsequence, with the use of Oplan Bayanihan and its component
programs such as PAMANA and conditional cash transfer. The prolonged
ceasefire with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and Moro
Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) has allowed the regime to deploy more
troops against the NPA. However, it has not only failed to prevent the
growth of the NPA but has also created even more opportunities for the
NPA units to launch tactical offensives against the enemy.
The
NPA has grown stronger by intensifying its tactical offensives. It has
won victories by waging intensive and extensive guerrilla warfare on the
basis of an ever widening and deepening mass base. From month to month
and from year to year, the Red commanders and fighters are conscious of
advancing towards a nationwide development of the strategic defensive
towards the strategic stalemate.
With
Oplan Bayanihan, the US-Aquino regime hoped in vain to concentrate its
attack forces on eastern Mindanao and a few other priority targets in
Luzon and the Visayas. It held and worked on the pipedream that by
destroying the NPA in these areas, it would achieve a final strategic
victory over the NPA nationwide before Aquino’s term ends in 2016.
However, when the enemy forces concentrate on the NPA in any area, the
Red commanders and fighters engage them in counter-encirclements and
counter offensives. Elsewhere other NPA units seize the initiative to
take the offensive against military, police, paramilitary units and
security agencies of hostile enterprises.
The
NPA has learned through politico-military training and actual fighting
how to render ineffective the superiority of the enemy in equipment and
number of personnel. It gets accurate information on the deployment of
enemy armed personnel, determines their weakest points and launches only
offensives that it is sure of winning. The NPA can at will concentrate
superior strength on an enemy weak point in order to annihilate it. In
many areas where the NPA operates, no enemy column can advance in a
guerrilla front or zone without the prospect of command-detonated land
mines, sniping and a fulsome ambush by NPA units.
The
NPA has gained strength by seizing weapons from the enemy forces
through ambushes on enemy columns, raids on weak enemy points and
armories, and arrest operations. Upon the increase of weapons in its
hands the NPA creates more fighting units, gives them politico-military
training and fields them in offensive operations and mass work.
The
NPA´s main task is to fight and defeat the enemy. But it also carries
out several other important tasks, such as propaganda and agitation,
mass organizing and mass campaigns for land reform, production, health
promotion, cultural work, mass training for self-defense and settlement
of disputes among the people.
However,
to gain more time for combat with short rest periods, the NPA units as
soon as possible pass on the tasks of civil administration and mass work
to the organs of political power and the mass organizations. They are
rotated for definite periods of full-time combat, politico-military
training, mass work and production.
While
on combat duty, an NPA unit has short rest periods between battles. The
period when a unit is not on combat duty is for gaining mass support
and collecting useful information about the enemy from the mass base and
from intelligence operatives of the people´s army. Even as we have
described in the foregoing our achievements and constant duties and
objectives, we must be aware of errors and shortcomings that must also
be encompassed by summings-up and evaluations at the national, regional,
subregional and front levels of command. We must understand the reasons
for and circumstances of uneven development of the people’s war,
including the victories, failures and stagnation, nonfulfilment of
long-set objectives for advancing the people’s war in the direction of
the strategic stalemate.
Some
Party organs and army commands at regional, subregional and front
levels have failed to carry out summings up and evaluations and to
conduct significant offensive against the enemy. They do not pose the
problems correctly and are thus unable to solve them. Worse, they do not
make timely reports and recommendations for higher organs to help.
Higher organs also do not or cannot give timely directives and
assistance.
Where
stagnation and decline of the forces and forms of struggle occur,
certain leading cadres commit such weaknesses as conservatism,
complacency and self-satisfaction with the same stagnant level of
knowledge and circumstances. They let things drift from year to year; or
they overstate the effectiveness and consequences of enemy actions,
without considering how to advance the work, strengthen the forces and
launch tactical offensives for seizing arms from the enemy. The squads
and half squads of the people’s army are constantly dispersed without a
definite center of gravity for tactical offensives and seem or try to
perform functions that revolutionary organs of political power, mass
organizations, people’s militia and self-defense units ought to perform.
In the worst cases, the squads and half squads of the people’s army
become roving rebel bands.
At
the national, regional, subregional, provincial, district and section
levels, the Party is the coordinator of all revolutionary forces and
various forms of struggle. It is the Party at the appropriate level that
provides the NPA and rural areas the cadres and mass activists from the
ranks of urban based workers and educated youth.
The
Party is at the head and at the core of the NPA. Within the NPA, the
Party branch is based in the platoon and the Party group in the squad. A
Party committee leads the NPA units from the level of the company
upwards. The Party at the head and core of the NPA ensures that the Red
commanders and fighters become Party members in due course and get
political education on a daily basis beyond the period of
politico-military training in order to ensure that they have high
revolutionary morale and they understand the revolutionary line
concerning current events.
Under the leadership of the Party, the NPA must carry out the following fighting tasks.
1. Uphold the Filipino people’s national sovereignty and Philippine territorial integrity.
The
NPA must uphold and defend Filipino people’s national sovereignty and
Philippine territorial integrity, which are now being violated by the US
and other imperialist powers. These powers must not be allowed to
divide Philippine territory among themselves in the process of
collaboration and contention.
The
US has long benefited from its successful aggression against the
Philippine revolution since 1899, turning the Philippines into a colony
and subsequently a semicolony from 1946 onward. It continues to dominate
the Philippines through unequal treaties, agreements and arrangements
with the state of the local reactionary classes of big compradors and
landlords.
The
US controls the reactionary armed forces and engages in military
intervention through the US-RP military assistance agreement, mutual
logistical support agreement and the visiting forces agreement (FVA),
despite the lapse of the US-RP military bases agreement in 1991.
Under
various pretexts, especially the so-called war on terror, the US has
maintained increasing military presence in the Philippines. The latest
pretext of defending the Philippines from China within the context of
the strategic pivot to East Asia has allowed the US to acquire military
bases and forward locations using the puppet reactionary armed forces as
perimeter guards and mercenaries under the EDCA.
The
NPA must give special attention to these military bases and forward
locations wherever these are established. It must conduct mass work to
isolate them immediately and to discover the ways by which these can be
disabled and destroyed.
China
is unlawfully claiming more than 80 percent of the Philippine exclusive
economic zone and 100 percent of extended West Philippine sea
continental shelf. It has began to encroach on areas belonging to the
Philippines by conducting reclamations and other hostile actions. The
NPA must pay attention to these growing transgression or threats to the
people´s national sovereignty and Philippine territorial integrity from
capitalist China.
2. Disable and dismantle enterprises that violate economic sovereignty and national patrimony.
The
Philippine puppet government connives with the US, China, Japan and
other foreign powers in the violation of the economic sovereignty and
national patrimony of the Filipino people. Operations must be conducted
to disable and dismantle foreign-owned and controlled enterprises that
violate economic sovereignty and national patrimony, grab the land and
the forest, mineral and marine resources, prevent land reform and
national industrialization, poison the soil and the streams and damage
food production for the people and the environment.
The
prime targets for NPA operations are the logging, mining and plantation
operations of foreign-owned and controlled companies. These can be
disabled and dismantled through actions against equipment, energy
supply, company security guards and government-provided armed
detachments. Company officials are also subject to arrest and detention
for investigation and further action.
Punitive
actions taken by the NPA against the unwelcome and hostile enterprises
can be a way of dividing the armed personnel of the state and forcing
them to guard duty in weak positions, exposing them as mere puppets and
mercenaries of foreign companies and discouraging the violations of
economic sovereignty and national patrimony through further amendments
of the constitution of the reactionary state.
The
NPA must serve the Filipino people in combating these violations. It
must act as the reliable armed force on the ground for discouraging,
disabling and dismantling those enterprises that violate the economic
sovereignty and national patrimony.
The
NPA must also carry out punitive actions against the big compradors,
landlords and bureaucrats who engage in the wanton destruction and
sellout of the country’s national patrimony to foreign monopolies, cause
the displacement, exploitation and deprivation of livelihood of
peasants, settlers and national minorities.
3. Defend democracy and take actions against human rights violators.
The
NPA must uphold, defend and promote democracy and human rights. It must
respect all basic freedoms and fundamental rights, especially the
freedom of thought and belief, the freedom of expression and assembly,
the right of the people to self-organization and the right to due
process.
Conversely,
the NPA must take action against violators of human rights and
international humanitarian law, especially those who commit murder,
torture, abduction and illegal detention, the forced eviction and
evacuation of communities through massacres, arson and other forms of
mass intimidation, and various forms of extreme oppression and
exploitation of the workers, peasants, women, national minorities and
social activists.
The
NPA must give battle to the worst violators of human rights, who are
armed and dangerous, whether they be enemy personnel in uniform or in
mufti. Suspected violators of human rights and international
humanitarian law who claim to be civilians and innocent of charges may
surrender themselves for investigation and may in advance assign a
representative to plead their case.
Whenever
possible, NPA forces and units must arrest suspected violators of human
rights and international humanitarian law for investigation and if
evidence warrants for prosecution, trial and judgement by the people´s
courts and in accordance with due process and international norms. Those
proven guilty must be punished according to the measure of their
culpability and those proven innocent released immediately with due
courtesy and assistance.
4. Carry out land reform as the main content of the democratic revolution.
The
NPA must persevere in carrying out the minimum and maximum phases of
the revolutionary land reform program or agrarian revolution in
accordance with the given circumstances regarding the strength of the
revolutionary movement and the contrary forces.
Land
reform is the main content of the democratic revolution. It must
liberate the peasant majority of the people economically, socially,
politically and culturally. It is the way to win the firm and militant
support of the peasantry for the people´s democratic revolution through
protracted war. It is to the advantage of the revolution that the
reactionaries in power are so intoxicated and obsessed with the
neoliberal economic policy that they no longer take any pretense at land
reform and flagrantly render the landless tillers incapable of fully
paying the market price of the land.
The
policy of the enemy is to allow the old and new types of landlords and
the export-oriented enterprises in mineral extraction, agriculture and
logging to grab the land. The NPA must carry out revolutionary land
reform more resolutely than ever before. It must dismantle enterprises
that grab lands and make these available for restitution, occupation and
development by the peasant masses.
In
principle, all lands belong to the Filipino nation and is subject to
nationalization as the first decree upon nationwide seizure of political
power. But nonfeudal use of land by legitimate holders must be
respected and the free distribution of land titles to the landless
tillers must be given due course in the implementation of land reform
preparatory to the advance of agricultural cooperation in stages.
5. Integrate the armed struggle with agrarian revolution and persevere in guerrilla warfare.
The
NPA must carry out the armed struggle integrally with the agrarian
revolution and building the mass base. The mass organizations of
workers, peasants, women, youth , children and cultural activists must
flourish. They must serve as the strong foundation of the revolutionary
organs of democratic power. These must be organized up to the municipal
level wherever feasible.
It
must persevere in waging extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare on
the basis of an ever widening and deepening mass base. Mass work should
not be the excuse for avoiding combat but should be a favorable factor
for seizing the initiative in launching offensives against the enemy and
for forestalling passivity and preventing purely defensive actions.
Guerrilla warfare must bring about the maturation of the strategic
defensive, the initial development of regular mobile warfare and the
start of the the strategic stalemate.
The
objective is to increase and expand the existing guerrilla fronts and
bring them to a higher level of organization under the direction of the
national, regional and subregional commands. Elements of regular mobile
warfare should arise as increasing number of NPA platoons and companies
arise for combat on the scale of one, two or three companies. And the
total number of NPA fulltime fighters should approach 25,000.
The
NPA must intensify tactical offensives in order to seize more arms from
the enemy. Always in preparation for increasing NPA fighting units, the
people´s militia and other self-defense units of the mass organizations
must be oriented towards becoming fulltime fighters for the NPA
although the enlistment of young people is prioritized. Periodically and
as often as necessary, politico-military training must be undertaken to
prepare young people to join the ranks of the fulltime Red fighters.
There
must be definite plans and clear guidelines for seizing weapons,
dismantling antipeople enterprises and carrying out campaigns and
operations on a wide scale and with flexibility on the basis of existing
strength and capability. Well-planned offensives must be carried out to
seize armories of enemy forces.
The following weak points of the enemy must be subjected to offensive operations:
5.1 small AFP detachments that are inferior relative to NPA strength that can be concentrated for surprise attacks;
5.2 municipal police stations and detachments of PNP mobile brigades;
5.3 paramilitary units in localities;
5.4 Security personnel of mining, plantation and logging enterprises;
5.5 criminal syndicates engaged in drugs, robbery, kidnap-for-ransom and the like;
5.6 private entities that refuse to donate, surrrender or sell their weapons to the NPA.
6. Develop coordinated or synchronized offensives at the national and regional levels of command.
Under
the direction of the Party Central Committee, and in particular its
Central Military Commission, nationally and regionally coordinated or
synchronized offensives must be developed. The national guidelines for
this purpose must be drawn. Periodically, plans must be adopted and
implemented at the national, regional, subregional and front command
levels, with full consideration of the capabilities of the NPA forces
and those of the enemy in the target areas.
Guidelines
and plans must define the targets and allow flexibility and maintain
the initiative within the war of fluid movement. The NPA must
concentrate forces for offensives against the weakest enemy points and
wage only battles that can be won. All major tactics of concentration,
dispersal and shifting should be availed of according to need and
circumstances. At present, the platoon is the basic formation of the
NPA. The basic deployment of an NPA company in a guerrilla front should
be a platoon as the center of gravity at the guerrilla base and platoons
principally doing mass work in relatively dispersed squads in a wider
range of guerrilla zones.
On
many occasions, NPA forces have demonstrated that they can take
offensive action against one enemy point and are prepared to use
landmines to blow up and ambush the reinforcing enemy military or police
forces. This tactic can be repeatedly used to attack and lure in enemy
forces to their grave. One more tactic is to attack one enemy point but
to concentrate attack on another enemy weak point that has no prospect
of being immediately reinforced.
When
the enemy tries to take the initiative of launching concentrated
attacks on any guerrilla front or region, the NPA forces in the targeted
area must avail of the classic rudimentary guerrilla tactics as well as
the more advanced guerrilla tactics already developed by the NPA. The
NPA can engage in tactics of counter-encirclements and
counteroffensives, especially after the enemy discloses its deployment,
capabilities and weak points.
Every
NPA command and unit under concentrated enemy attack should always
maintain a high offensive spirit and take advantage of the fact that the
enemy has been lured into a terrain advantageous to our guerrilla
forces. Thus the enemy forces become the transport and supply officers
of the NPA by delivering their bodies and equipment to the NPA.
But
there is a wider equation, the NPA commands and units that are not
under concentrated enemy attack or are under less enemy pressure must
intensify their offensives in order to relieve the comrades under
concentrated enemy attack in certain areas and take advantage of the
diminished enemy strength in their areas.
The
current reactionary elections in the country is a good opportunity for
the NPA to launch tactical offensives to underscore the armed revolution
as the only way to eliminate the evils of imperialism, feudalism and
bureaucrat capitalism, and achieve genuine national independence and
democracy.
7. Contribute to the development of a national, scientific and mass culture.
The
NPA commanders and fighters must be conscious of contributing to the
development of a national revolutionary culture. Their revolutionary
feats of combat and mass work for the Filipino nation and the people are
ever treasured and cherished. The propagandists and cultural workers
must continue to celebrate the Red commanders and fighters as heroes of
the Philippine revolution alongside the workers and peasants.
There
is no Filipino nation to speak of if it were not for the
revolutionaries who rose up against Spanish colonialism and then against
US imperialism. The Red commanders and fighters of the NPA belong to
the tradition and raise the level of this tradition to fighting for a
new democratic revolution in preparation for the socialist revolution.
The
guerrilla bases in the vast countryside under the organs of political
power serve as revolutionary cultural bastions for developing a
national, scientific and mass culture. The NPA under the leadership of
the Party must arduously combat the bourgeois neoliberal cultural
onslaughts while discarding the backward feudal culture in the
countryside.
Under
the theoretical guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the class
leadership of the proletariat, the NPA is bound by the scientific spirit
to muster the necessary strength to win the revolution and to build a
society that avails of science and technology to defend the country,
further empower the Filipino people, develop the economy and foster
solidarity of the people with other peoples of the world.
8. Defend the right of national minorities to self-determination, ancestral domain and cultural identity.
The
NPA must defend the right of national minorities to self-determination,
ancestral domain and cultural identity. The national minorities have
welcomed and joined the revolutionary forces, especially the NPA, to be
able to fight ever more effectively for their right to
self-determination and ancestral domain against various schemes to take
away their land and means of livelihood, extract nonrenewable mineral
ores, cut the forests and make plantations for export crops.
The
strength of the NPA and the entire revolutionary movement is deepgoing
because of the active participation and support of the national
minorities. The national minorities have a long history of struggle
against foreign invaders. Their warriors who have joined the NPA are
among the best Red commanders and fighters.
The
Moro people have several armies against the oppressive Manila-based
government. The MILF has a formal and working alliance with the NDFP.
The MNLF also has a long-running objective and informal alliance with
the NDFP. The BIFF is a welcome ally against the common enemy. Any
oppressive regime in Manila can shake and fall if the armies of the
Filipino people and the Bangsamoro agree to coordinate or synchronize
their offensives.
9. Gain the support of overseas Filipinos for the NPA and the people´s war.
By
waging a protracted people´s war to achieve national liberation and
democracy, the NPA gains the support of the Filipino people, including
compatriots who have gone abroad to obtain work. But definite efforts
must be exerted to gain the support of overseas Filipinos for the
people’s army and the people’s war. It is relatively easy to obtain this
support because overseas Filipinos come from various parts of the
country where the armed revolutionary movement is growing.
10.
Support the worldwide anti-imperialist struggle of the people of the
world and seek their support for the Philippine revolution.
The
Filipino people and the NPA wage the people´s war as an
internationalist duty in support of the struggle of the people of the
world against imperialism and reaction. They are today in the forefront
of the anti-imperialist and democratic struggle. They are waging just
revolutionary struggle for national and social liberation. A number of
revolutionary organizations and similarly oppressed and exploited
peoples from other countries have endeavored to learn from the NPA’s
experience and practice, especially in its resilience and self-reliance
in waging people’s war. For this reason, the people of the world are
willing to extend support to the Filipino people and the New People´s
Army.
CPP/NPA/NDF Website
http://theprwcblogs.blogspot.com/
http://www.philippinerevolution.net/
http://www.ndfp.net/joom15/
Article links:
http://www.ndfp.org/aim-win-greater-victories-peoples-war-message-central-committee-celebration-47th-founding-anniversary-npa/
http://www.ndfp.org/aim-win-greater-victories-peoples-war-message-central-committee-celebration-47th-founding-anniversary-npa/
OTHER HUMAN RIGHTS PROMOTIONS WEBSITES
http://www.philippineinsurgency.co.nr/
http://www.philippineinsurgency.co.nr/
PROTECTION AND PROMOTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
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